Yasser al-Atta... Call to encourage national mafia

Hatem Elias
Here we go between the two rivers.
People Here Sex Other
Poor, talkative and accented in cotton linen
And sellers are salts and allies.
They have ears that hear a shark reindeer in Mars.
This is a kind in every aspect of the country you see.
Sex Travellers Since the Beginning of History
Their white gold land narrowed
Despite their imported reservoir and gold, they narrowed.
Stay in all of Sudans labyrinths.
Stay in all of Sudans labyrinths.
The joyous thing is, they have ears.
And eyes know the color of the flock thief
And bastards when grandfather finds ousting
West Train Poem
Mohammed al-Maki Ibrahim
In the third democratic period after the overthrow of the Mayo regime, I do not recall for precision that this was the talk at the famous East Square symposium of the late Mohammed Abraham criticized or at a television meeting, but I do mention his talk about the Sudanese army, in which he said that there is a deep psychological barrier between them and the army "even though our children". This means some minority whose presence within the institution has been dried up by the early condition of pensions or executions, such as those of Ramadans officers, or by those mysterious qualifications that occurred during southern Sudans battles.

Perhaps critically, here, he wants to point out that this army institution has always been designed its colonial doctrine, of course, in that it is primarily directed against the aspirations of the Sudanese people. I have always represented the last altar of revolutions and democratic regimes that would have opened the horizon for the political development of our people, but the military institution and the elites that support it have always observed the horizon of our peoples political and democratic development.

Its not just about military adventure or the classic coup approach as usual in African countries like ours. But the reality is that the army in the Sudan, since it was found, political and social realities so as not to depart from what is enshrined in the structure of a post-colonial State, It is a State whose socio-economic structural nature is required to continue to preserve the colonial heritage it generated in order to protect the interests of the caste minority that inherited the State. It must not emerge from colonial engineering by creating an independent development model that represents the interests of its peoples.

Naturally, the ideological rhetoric of these regimes, which gives them the legitimacy of governing, speaking on behalf of the nation or people and defending their supreme interests, varies from State to State in Africa and the Arab world. In Tunisia, Ben Alis dictatorship was a secular, liberal-oriented dictatorship, in Iraq and Syria a nationalist, and in Lebanon a militia. In our case, political Islam and speaking on behalf of the Creator and religion was one of the worst types of government our country had seen in the rescue era.

Without overwhelming the complex descriptions of the ideological State and the instruments of domination and domination, Lieutenant-General Yasser Attas talk and accusation to the United Arab Emirates that it supported the RSF and described it as a mafia rather than a State drew our attention. The UAE is undoubtedly a dangerous country, which has begun to raise many questions for its involvement in many conflicts in the Arab world and the Horn of Africa, especially after the Arab Spring wave. Questions have arisen as to how this State has transformed from a depositary State sufficient to its wealth with a small population to a long-armed and influential State.

But here Yasser Al-Attas accusations seemed to me to be the choice of the Sudanese people between a national mafia represented by our army, which is engaged in business and commerce of all kinds, and the official representative of the Revival class. Because of the state of the price of wealth and the looting of the Sudans resources, the senior general of the army and their rescue class forgot to pay attention to the army itself, to rehabilitate it and to send it to the pedestrians. It is not forgotten because of omissions, but it is a state of frantic circulation with the language of money and accumulation of wealth that has even made the subject of defence and security issues itself at the back of the militarys attention. I hired rapid support to carry out these missions in Darfur or even in Yemen, thinking that rapid support would continue to be like security companies full-time for combat missions on behalf of the State and the Salvation Business Class Group, without suddenly developing its ambition and declaring its desire for governance, i.e. the sources of wealth themselves. The army and senior generals are fully engaged in suspicious business business.

This is Yasser al-Atta, accusing him of reclaiming the national diet that ended in its new ideological composition, after the receding speech of Shari a and religion in a situation where the army conforms to the concepts of patriotism and homeland, demands us to take sides (for the national thief) that plunder our resources but that no other foreign mafia comes to plunder us and plunder our resources.

Since the salvation of power, the Mafi political and economic pattern has been what the Al-Islam Political Group has relied on, whether in its organizational political form, which created from the Sudanese Islamic Movement an enormous economic power that divided its members and security and political organizations the Sudanese States resources. Sudans economic institutions began to be allocated and distributed at the lowest prices during the period of empowerment, along with the many banks established and owned by Islamists who took full control of the economic sphere. Amidst their intense religious propaganda, which transformed official flags and all features of life into a comic Islamic symbolic pattern, some said that under the influence of intense religious discourse, the Islamists had brought the people into the collector and had come out of the collector of the market. The testimony of Osama bin Laden, who was lured to the Sudan with other groups of jihadi Islam movements, is his famous statement after his money was looted to the Sudan, believing that he came to his brothers in Islam and the jihadist vision, that the regime in Khartoum is a mixed group between the work of politics and the organized gang.

Perhaps the Sudanese will not forget Bashirs own family and his naughtiness as models of family mafia and corruption. The assassination of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, who killed a well-known Sudanese artist, is said to have had the bad luck that he was on an art trip to Ethiopia and came across the group that carried out the assassination attempt, to the last assassination on 60th Street of that young officer who was involved in corruption inside the Khartoum Governors office.

Many Sudanese intellectuals and activists have become passionately involved in the social, ideological or even racist backdrop, which saw the rapid occupation of support for Khartoum and the violations it carried out as perhaps a recapture that fell out of historys imagination over the present. Todays Khartoum appeared to be the complement of Abdullah and Saad at that time. As if it were a war (the second jihadist) in which the countrys childrens struggle with strangeness was restored, the armys national and national discourse was employed against the rapid support of its mercenaries from the Niger, Chad and Mali. So with the capability of the old rescue mafia, it is now the patriot who calls on us to resist the UAEs long-arm mafia.

The Sudanese Peoples Civil Movement cannot fight and line up to protect me. (Local mafia), clearly represented by this army with its generals and defence system, which trades in everything from shoes to medicine, gold, gum, petroleum and drugs, all of which are concerned to stand against popular national choices in democracy and open the way to peoples control over their resources and capabilities, and between other mafia beyond our borders.

It is not our choice to protect the national thief, but to wear the uniform of the military and stand out in the clothes of patriotism, belonging to the land and the people when it feels that another party wants to remove it from the sources of free wealth and control of the State apparatus.